I arrived in the Pamir region by road along the Panj
River, the headstream of the Amu Darya, otherwise known as the Oxus, the
greatest of Central Asia’s rivers. For earlier travellers, the Oxus was a river
almost of legend. Peter Hopkirk describes in his excellent book, The Great Game,
about the British-Russian rivalry in Central Asia in the 19th century, the
journey of a party led by William Moorcroft, a veterinary surgeon with the
British East India Company, to Bukhara, in 1824-1825. When they reached the
banks of the Oxus, after a journey of many months, they were the first
Englishmen ever to set foot there. For me it was a journey of a few hours by
jeep along a rough road from Dushanbe.
It is a splendid journey, along the fast-moving river,
hemmed in by the narrow gorge, the rocks rising sheer above us, and then
opening out into fertile valleys, looking across at the mud-brick houses on the
Afghan side, the lush fields, children playing in the river shallows. I reached
Khorog, the principal town of the Pamir region of Gorno-Badakhshan, in the
evening. It was very dark, with only a few dim lights. I felt quite lost.
Thankfully, I had the phone number of a brother of someone back in London.
Gorno-Badakhsan accounts for nearly half of
Tajikistan’s territory, but only 3 per cent of its population. It is a remote,
mountainous region, which had few visitors until quite recently. Since Soviet
times, its closeness to Afghanistan meant it was a closed area, and foreigners
still need a special pass in order to go there. Its remoteness had for thousands
of years protected it and its people from outside influence. Its people speak a
medley of languages, they have a unique culture and religious traditions. But
in the late 19th century, the region caught the covetous eyes of the great
powers vying for control in the region, Russia and Britain. These two empires
had been eying each other nervously across the expanses of Central Asia for
decades. The fear of Russian encroachment towards India had impelled the
British into disastrous invasions of Afghanistan.
Pamiri shrines, Bartang Valley and Wakhan Valley
By the end of the 19th century, it was the mountain
passes leading into India through the northwest frontier that most worried the
British authorities in Delhi. British and Russian expeditions spent months at a
time mapping the region. In 1889, a young British officer, Francis
Younghusband, met and dined with the Russian Captain Gromchevsky and a party of
Cossacks. Gromchevsky was a generous host, and as the vodka flowed, he expounded
on his confidence that before long Russia would invade India. But the two
parted as friends. On a later expedition, in 1891, Younghusband met a large
party of Cossacks led by a Colonel Yanov. Again, they got on famously, and
Younghusband was impressed by the lavishness of the Russian hospitality.
However, the Englishman was disturbed to be told that the Russians claimed the
whole Pamir region as their own, including territory that the British
considered to be Afghan or Chinese, as well as territory they considered to be
within their own sphere. Again they parted as friends, even when three days
later the Russian returned and told Younghusband he had been ordered to leave
Russian territory. Yanov expressed his embarrassment at having to carry out
such a disagreeable order, and Younghusband assured him he bore him no personal
grudge. As with many episodes in the Great Game, British and Russian
adversaries did not let their rivalry get in the way of fellowship and mutual
respect.
The incident with Colonel Yanov prompted the British
to adopt a more assertive stance, issuing a strong protest to St. Petersburg
and moving up forces to bring local rulers to heal. The British were
particularly concerned about a narrow tongue of territory between Afghanistan and
China, the so-called Pamir Gap, in the Wakhan valley, which was not claimed by
any state. If the Russians took this, it would bring them to the very gateway
of British India. The British tried to persuade both China and Afghanistan to
stake their claim to the territory. Finally, in 1895, an agreement was reached
with Moscow which gave the bulk of the Pamir region to Russia, while the Pamir
Gap went to Afghanistan. To this day it juts out from Afghanistan to the
Chinese border, forming a wedge between Tajikistan and Pakistan. The agreement
meant that at no point did Russia and British India share a common frontier.
For the British it meant that a definitive limit had been placed on Russia’s
advance towards India.
But when the British and the Russians carved up the
Pamir region, no one thought to consider the people who actually lived there.
The Pamiris are a distinct people. They speak a variety of related languages, a
branch of the wider Iranian language group. These languages are quite distinct
from Tajik, which is a variant of Persian, a separate branch of the Iranian
language tree. In Gorno-Badakhshan, the valleys leading up to the high Pamir
plateau have their own languages and dialects. They are not all mutually
intelligible. Shugni, spoken in Khorog, is quite different from Wakhi, spoken
in the Wakhan Valley. Apart from Gorno-Badakhshan, in Tajikistan, Pamiris also
live across the Panj, in Afghan Badakhshan, as well as smaller numbers in
adjacent regions of Pakistan and China. None of the Pamiri languages are spoken
by more than a few tens of thousands of people, and some by only a few
thousand. All are endangered. Pamiris in both Tajikistan and Afghanistan mostly
also speak Tajik. Travelling in the Wakhan Valley, my Shugni-speaking driver communicated
with the locals in Tajik.
I asked a Pamiri in Khorog whether he was not worried
about the future of the Pamir languages, with their small numbers of speakers,
that some of them might before long disappear? In a world of satellite
television (even houses in the most remote mountain villages I visited have
satellite dishes), internet and international travel, what chance would such
small languages have? Might it not perhaps be better to standardise them, to
sacrifice some of the diversity in an attempt to preserve at least something,
as had been done in several other places? Not at all, he said. In their
diversity, the Pamiri languages are like a beautiful bouquet. He described
efforts to agree on an alphabet for Shugni, to give it a more secure future as
a written language. In Afghanistan, he said, some were already writing Shugni
in the Persian alphabet. But in Tajikistan, few Shugni speakers were familiar
with that, being used to reading and writing Russian and Tajik in Cyrillic. He
proposed that all should agree to write Shugni in the Latin alphabet, with
which many in both Tajikistan and Afghanistan were already familiar.
Since the end of the Soviet Union, the position of
Pamiris within Tajikistan has been thorny. During Tajikistan’s civil war in the
1990s, most Pamiris supported the United Tajik Opposition. In 1992,
Gorno-Badakhshan declared independence, later rescinded. The Pamiri region was
placed under blockade by government forces, and Pamiris in Dushanbe and other
parts of Tajikistan were among groups targeted in massacres and ethnic
cleansing by pro-government supporters. Resentment, to a greater or lesser
degree, remains widespread. More than once during my stay I heard Pamiris
objecting to the fact that, in the government offices in Khorog, people were
required to speak Tajik, even though they were almost all Pamiris. A common
refrain among Pamiris is that they would like the notional autonomy of
Gorno-Badakhshan to be real, in practice.
The tensions between Pamiris and the Tajikistan
authorities exploded again one year before my visit, in July 2012. A friend in
Khorog sent me anguished emails about the situation, about how the town had
been cut off by government forces, whose snipers had been shooting into the
town from the surrounding hills. The fighting was sparked by the stabbing in
Iskhashim, a small town south of Khorog, of Abdullo Nazarov, the head in
Gorno-Badakhshan of the GKNB, the successor of the KGB in Tajikistan. Nazarov
was brought to Khorog, where he died a few hours later. Tajikistan’s military
were brought in to try to arrest those accused of the killing, above all Tolib
Ayombekov, who had been a leader of the opposition forces in Gorno-Badakhshan
during the civil war.
The civil war was brought to an end by a UN-sponsored
agreement in 1997, with Russia standing behind it. Opposition figures were
brought into government. Ayombekov became a local head of the border agency. Over
subsequent years, such opposition figures were sidelined and removed, but not
in Gorno-Badakhshan. Some saw the crackdown in 2012 as an overdue settling of
accounts, seeing the murder of Nazarov as just an excuse for an operation that
had been planned in advance. Conspiracy theories abounded in Khorog. Why,
people asked, was there a delay in taking Nazorov to hospital? Some told me
that Nazarov’s death was due to a dispute over drug smuggling. Tajikistan is
one of the principal conduits for drugs being trafficked out of Afghanistan.
The authorities in Dushanbe had also accused Ayombekov of involvement.
The clashes reportedly left dozens dead, including
many soldiers. I was told by people who were there that local people, women
prominently among them, had demonstrated in the streets, hampering the military
operation. The government called off the operation. The following month,
Ayombekov surrendered, and was placed under house arrest, although he continued
to move freely around Khorog. Announcing his surrender, which came shortly
before a visit to Khorog by President Emomalii Rahmon, Ayombekov made complimentary
statements about the benefits the president had brought to Gorno-Badakhshan,
fuelling speculation about a deal.
During my visit, Khorog appeared calm and normal,
although I was told that tension continued to simmer beneath the surface. But
Pamiris themselves are divided about their feelings towards Tajikistan. Some,
notably those I had met abroad, in the diaspora, appeared wholly negative
towards a country with which they did not identify at all. But for many more,
for good or ill, Tajikistan is their country, and they have to make the most of
it. A teacher in Khorog, notwithstanding his gripes about the position of
Pamiris, told me he could not imagine Gorno-Badakhshan outside of Tajikistan. A
young man now living in Dushanbe, back in Khorog on a visit to his home town,
expressed annoyance at people, especially those who lived comfortably abroad,
who created difficulties for their fellow Pamiris, including those living in
Dushanbe, with their opposition to life in Tajikistan. For him it was natural
that people working in the government offices in Khorog should have to speak
Tajik, the official language of the state.
Feeling neglected by the distant, resented government
in Dushanbe, Pamiris have relied on the Aga Khan, the leader of the Ismaili branch
of Shia Islam to which most Pamiris adhere (most Tajiks, by contrast, are
Sunni). Like many people from Britain, I had known of the Aga Khan principally
as a fabulously wealthy racehorse owner. Among Pamiris he is revered,
frequently referred to as His Highness Aga Khan IV. His Aga Khan Foundation has
projects in different parts of Tajikistan, but it is his own people, the
Ismaili Shias, that have been the greatest beneficiaries. Thanks to his
assistance, they staved off hunger under the government blockade during the
civil war. He established a branch of the Central Asian University in Khorog,
which among other things offers courses in tourism. Pamiri students have
received grants enabling them to study abroad. In almost every Pamiri house I
visited a portrait of the Aga Khan was prominently displayed. In the village of
Langar, on the Tajikistan side of the Wakhan Valley, the local Khalifa, the
religious leader of the village, pointed out to me a smart little building
which he told me had been specially built for the visit of the Aga Khan.

A Pamiri house, Bartang Valley
The Pamiris have esoteric religious practices. There
are no mosques as such, but rather meeting houses, where people meet to pray.
Sometimes these are in peoples’ private homes. In Langar, I was taken to the
meeting house by the Khalifa, who was also the owner of the guesthouse where I
spent the night. Colourfully painted on the outside, its interior was laid out
like a traditional Pamiri house of the sort I stayed in in several homestays in
the mountain villages. These apparently simple houses have raised,
carpet-covered platforms around a central square. There is usually no
furniture, people sitting and eating on the platforms. At night thin mattresses
and eiderdowns are laid out for sleeping.
Apart from a doorway, light comes only through a
skylight in the centre of the ceiling. But the layout of these houses is full
of religious symbolism. My guide when I went trekking in the Bartang Valley
explained it to me before bedtime in the Pamiri House where we stayed. Five
pillars represent the family of Ali, the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet
Mohammed, and, for Shias, the first Imam. One represents Mohammed himself, a
second is for his daughter and Ali’s wife, Fatima, a third is for Ali, and the
other two are for their sons, Hassan and Hussein. The pillars are also said to
represent the five pillars, or principles, of Islam. Some suggest they may even
pre-date the Pamiris’ conversion to Islam and go back to the five key deities of
the Zoroastrian faith. In the meeting house in Langar, the pillars were also
decorated with the pagan symbol of the sun, a symbol I also saw in the Pamiri
house in the Bartang Valley, on the cross beam between the Hassan and Hussein
pillars. The beams across the ceiling represent the first seven Imams of
Ismailism (Ismailis differ from other Shias in that they recognise Ismail Ibn
Jafal as the seventh Imam, and are also known as Seveners) and the six prophets
revered in Islam, including Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses and Jesus, as well as
Mohammed.
Pamiri religious practices are unorthodox in other
ways, in addition to the pagan symbols in their houses. Contrary to the usual
Moslem prohibition on human likenesses being displayed in mosques, the meeting
house in Langar contained representation of Imam Ali and the Aga Khan. Then
there are the roadside shrines decked out with huge ibex horns. The first I saw
of these was in the Bartang Valley. The driver of the minivan I and my guide
had hired to drive us asked if we could stop a little while so he could pray. I
hung back while the two of them carried out their devotions, and then had a
look. Like others I saw later in the Wakhan Valley, it was a walled enclosure,
with ibex horns sitting atop the walls. Within was a small, simple building at
the base of a rock face, with pictures of Ali and the Aga Khan above the
entrance. Inside the building was a kind of grotto, with holes in the rock
where offerings had been left. As with other shrines in the Pamir region, the holes
in the rock must have had some spiritual significance to the people, which had
somehow come to be overlaid with Islam, a very thin veneer for the folk
religion of the people who went there.
In Langar, the Khalifa demonstrated the kind of music
he played during the prayer meetings, accompanying his singing with a stringed
instrument. He told me that in Pamiri meeting houses, men and women prayed
together, not separately as is usual in most Moslem countries. When I pointed
out how unusual it was that there were pictures of people in a Moslem place of
prayer, he did not appear to know what I was getting at. He was flexible about
his religion. Of all the places I stayed in throughout my travels in
Gorno-Badakhshan, his was the only house where I was offered alcohol. The
Khalifa drank it himself. Travelling back to Dushanbe, a couple of Pamiris
returning to the capital after a summer holiday in their home region told me
that the religious practices of the Pamiris were frowned upon by other Ismaili
Shias. They urged me to go to the Ismaili centre in Dushanbe to get a better
impression.
Tourism is just beginning to take off in
Gorno-Badakhshan, visitors drawn to the unspoiled beauty of the mountain
landscapes. For now it is small-scale and still rather rough and ready. But
guest houses and homestays are starting to proliferate, as well as travel
agencies. Barring further instability like that seen in 2012, further
development of the tourism industry seems assured. Young Pamiris learn English,
as well as other European languages, looking for careers as guides. The money
is very good by local standards. The question is whether the distinctiveness of
Pamiri culture can survive the onslaught of modernisation and rising prosperity?
Will not people from other parts of Tajikistan be drawn in by the opportunities
presented by the newly buoyant tourism? The isolation that has protected the
Pamiris for so long is almost certainly coming to an end.