Jovanka Broz, the last Yugoslav Icon

The death this week in Belgrade of Jovanka Broz, the widow of Yugoslavia’s former communist ruler, Josip Broz Tito, stirred surprising emotions in me, as in many others. Jovanka, a teenaged partisan during the Second World War before becoming Yugoslavia’s First Lady, had been abominably treated after the death of her husband, expelled from her home without most of her belongings, and placed under house arrest in a shabby dwelling. She had been left in poverty on a miserable pension. She had often been the butt of jokes, denigrated by many as a simple peasant girl. Elizabeth Taylor had reportedly felt peeved when, visiting Tito on the island of Brioni with Richard Burton, who had played the dictator in a World War II partisan movie, she was left in the company of Jovanka, while Burton enjoyed the company of the famously charming Tito. But for others, Jovanka was glamorous. A Kosovo Albanian lady told me how women going to the hairdressers had asked for the Jovanka style.

Jovanka Broz in her prime, with Tito

For years, Jovanka had been largely forgotten. Journalists occasionally wrote of how poorly she had been treated. Some in Croatia argued that she should be brought home to her Croatian motherland (she was in origin a Croatian Serb), given a decent pension and treated with the respect she was due.

But in death she was granted a state funeral, and her passing was reported in international media. Serbian Prime Minister Ivica Dačić spoke movingly of her: ‘She was an important part of history, a history we gave up on, a history we forgot… This is the departure of Yugoslavia’s last icon.’ Thousands attended her funeral, many travelling to Belgrade from other parts of former Yugoslavia.

For many who can remember what Yugoslavia was, a serious, if ultimately failed attempt to build a multi-national community with a common identity transcending its peoples’ diversity, Jovanka was perhaps the last link with a past for which some still feel nostalgia. For all its obvious faults and contradictions, Yugoslavia had something. In its cultural diversity there was a richness, a vibrancy that at times produced brilliance. While the successor states may feel unburdened in their independence, and while they are certainly freer, it is hard to argue that the sum of the parts adds up to what Yugoslavia once was. Above all, Yugoslavia represented a dream of a common life for peoples who had once been at each others’ throats. It was surely better than the squalid nationalism and reversion to mutual destruction that followed the state’s demise. For those that mourned her, the death of Jovanka perhaps rekindled a memory of that dream, of hopes for something better.

No change in Montenegro

Another election passes in Montenegro, and again things carry on much as before. The key political arena in Montenegro is not elections. That is not where interesting things happen. On the contrary, the result is always, has always been for the past 20 years, essentially the same. The Democratic Party of Socialists (DPS) and its allies win. Milo Djukanović remains in power, whether as president, as prime minister or, as in the past couple of years, from behind the scenes as DPS leader. No. The interest in politics in Montenegro is in the power struggles within the ruling coalition, such as the long tussle between Djukanović and his long-time key ally, Svetozar Marović over the former’s determination to advance his young protégé, Igor Lukšić, to the premiership. It is also in the scandals that emerge about alleged corruption involving the ruling circles, such as the charge that the government has illegally favoured Prva banka, which is controlled by the Djukanović family.

Elections are not interesting because the opposition never manages to present a credible challenge to the DPS. It harps on about corruption and organised crime, and about the lack of an independent judiciary. And few people doubt there is much truth in these accusations. But it does not make any difference. DPS voters turn out time after time. This time they and their allies did not manage to win an outright majority, but they will reach agreement with smaller parties and form the government nonetheless.

So what is wrong with the opposition in Montenegro? How does Djukanović manage to stay so dominant for so long? This time the great hope was supposed to be Miodrag Lekić, a former Montenegrin foreign minister, Yugoslav ambassador to Italy and ally of Slobodan Miloševic. And was it not predictable that Djukanović and his allies would scorn Lekić for his loyalty to Milošević? Was it not obvious that Lekić would present an easy target for those who portray the opposition as pro-Serb, opposed to independence, and disloyal to Montenegro?

Nebojša Medojević, leader of the Movement for Change (PzP), part of the two–party Democratic Front (DF) coalition fronted by Lekić, was surely correct in his analysis when the PzP was formed that the only hope for opponents of Djukanović after the country’s independence in 2006 was to set aside divisions and appeal to opponents of the DPS among supporters and opponents of independence. But the issue has remained critical in defining politics. By throwing in its lot with the New Serbian Democracy (NOVA), the PzP has put off many pro-independence voters. As a party tied to the population that identifies itself as Serb, NOVA is essentially a minority party. In an environment in which identification with independent Montenegro is still crucial, it is hard to see how an alliance including NOVA can appeal to many among the pro-independence majority. Neither can they be expected to win much support among the Bosniac, Albanian and Croat minorities, almost all of whose members supported independence from Serbia.

What of other parties? The Socialist People’s Party (SNP), founded by opponents in the DPS of Djukanović’s break with Milošević in the late 1990s, has never been an out-and-out Serb party like NOVA. Although it also opposed independence, it has made some efforts to put that issue behind it and present itself as a modern centre-left party. But its background remains a handicap, and it has never managed to persuade most voters of its competence to run the country. Despite losing out to the DF in the recent elections, perhaps it could bounce back. But even in that case, some suspect it might eventually be tempted into an alliance with the DPS. Perhaps the new Positive Montenegro (PCG) party, which picked up a few seats in these elections, might have a chance to fulfil the earlier ambition of Medojević, to play down the independence question and appeal to voters on all sides.

But for the moment, a substantial minority of the electorate remains devoted to its Serb identity and supports NOVA and other pro-Serb parties. As long as this division between pro- and anti-independence parties remains, the DPS has an easy ride. In order to challenge Djukanović, parties whose acceptance of independence is not in doubt need to establish a distinct identity, not tied to the pro-Serb opposition, but concentrating on presenting a credible alternative to DPS rule.

It is something like what the PzP initially aimed to do, although Medojević’s intense personal antipathy to Djukanović too often clouded his judgement. The obsession of most opposition parties, as well as civil-society opponents of the regime, with corruption allegations has persistently failed to win over most DPS supporters. After so many elections focusing on that one issue, it is time to recognise that, on its own, it is not going to win over loyal DPS voters. A successful opposition party will have to persuade voters it can run the country, that it has credible policies on the economy, health, education etc. This is a challenge, because the DPS-led coalition has many achievements to its name, notably in advancing the country’s EU ambitions. Tackling corruption and establishing an independent judiciary are vital, but those issues alone do not seem to be sufficient to persuade enough voters to ditch the DPS.

So what is the likelihood of the emergence of an opposition capable of seriously challenging the DPS? So long as the pro-Serb parties remain major players on the opposition scene, the DPS will probably manage to bat them aside as easily as it has up until now. The continued divisiveness of the independence issue is a gift to the DPS. This problem in Montenegro is peculiar among ex-Yugoslav states. No significant political factor in Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia or Kosovo opposes independence (leaving aside dysfunctional Bosnia, which has yet to throw off international tutelage). But as long as the opposition in Montenegro is identified by the pro-independence majority with lack of commitment to the Montenegrin state, it is hard to see how they will be persuaded to vote out the party and the leader, Djukanović, that brought them their independent state.

Partisans in Montenegro

What a pleasure it was to be in Montenegro. Perhaps it is mainly due to familiarity, but I am hugely fond of the place. This year there was a splendid event organised by the UK embassy and the Montenegrin defence ministry. At the village of Brezna, between Nikšić and Plužine, there was a ceremony and the unveiling of a monument to mark an operation in 1944 when the British and other allied air forces rescued around 1,000 wounded Partisans who would otherwise have been slaughtered by the approaching German army. A makeshift airfield was prepared and the wounded evacuated, all in 48 hours. The event included a wonderful exhibition of photographs of the airlift.

An old soldier remembers

The attention given in recent times to the last few, very old, First World War veterans made the presence of a few elderly men who had participated in the events at Brezna in 1944 seem especially poignant. The 88-year old British gentleman who had helped build the airfield was sprightly and clearly delighted to be back and to reminisce. Among those who made speeches was the head of Montenegro's World War II veterans' organisation. He had been not far away during the Brezna operation. Beginning his speech with the nostalgic "Drugovi i drugarice..." ("Comrades" - male and female). He spoke warmly of lasting Montenegrin-British friendship. There were other old partisans there as well. What they achieved was remarkable, and in the midst of a very brutal guerrilla war, this was a humanitarian mission, to save lives. Some other ambassadors were there, including those of Russia and the United States, whose air forces had also participated. The German ambassador was not present. Apparently he did not consider it had been organised in a spirit of reconciliation. It is hard not to conclude that his presence, more than anything, would have helped stress such a spirit. But it is difficult to escape the nature of what had happened. The German army would have killed all those wounded, if they had got the chance. They had already massacred hundreds of innocents in that very area. While appreciating that this event may not have been comfortable for the German ambassador, perhaps on this occasion it was not appropriate for him to criticise the lack of commitment of others to reconciliation. But it was a happy event, and a wonderful recognition of the heroism of those old men.

Wines and labels

Kosovo wine is returning to the UK market. According to the website of the producer, StoneCastle, its wines measure up to the best of France or Italy. Well, no they don’t. I tried the StoneCastle Merlot recently, and it was actually OK – you can drink it (with the caveat that during extended periods in this neighbourhood my palate is highly unreliable). It tasted like Merlot anyway, which is a good sign.

I tried another Merlot the same evening, from a winery owned by one of Kosovo's most prominent luminaries. According to the label, it was a 1993. My host told me he didn’t believe it. He had never seen any vintage other than 1993. Well, it certainly didn’t taste like a fifteen-year old wine. Isn’t that a great idea? What if Burgundian producers were to label all their wines for the next fifteen years as Grand Cru from 2005?

But the proliferation of private producers in the Balkans is a good thing. Slovenia is well ahead of the pack. I prefer the wines of the Goriška brda region (Collio in Italian, in this border-straddling territory). I am a long-standing fan of the Sivi pinot (Pinot Griggio) from Ščurek, and the wines of Movia are worth drinking. The wines of Croatia are as diverse as that country’s geography and climate. So far, I’ve not been convinced by the heavy reds of Dalmatia which are so admired in some quarters. They just seem very big, usually flabby, often oxidised, and uninteresting. The wines of Istria are often more restrained and refined, like those of Matošević.

But I think Montenegro is especially interesting. I’m biased – I like Montenegro. The hills between Bar and Virpazar seem particularly promising. That Montenegro has an indigenous grape variety, the Vranac, adds to the interest (it’s grown elsewhere in the Balkans, in Macedonia, Bosnia and Kosovo, but Montenegro is its real home). Several small private producers have been springing up, and some of them are really pretty good. The prices some of them go for in Podgorica shops – up to 50 Euros for a bottle last time I was there – are also an indication of how highly they are prized. It’s really quite exciting.